By Samuel David Epstein, Erich M. Groat, Ruriko Kawashima, Hisatsugu Kitahara
A basic idea in all syntactic theories is that of a syntactic relation among syntactic gadgets. whereas fresh paintings within the Minimalist Framework has tried to provide an explanation for the character of syntactic items by way of uncomplicated and conceptually useful assumptions in regards to the language school, the relatives that carry among syntactic items has no longer been equally explored. The authors start up such an exploration and argue that yes basic family equivalent to c-command, dominance, and checking kin should be defined inside of a derivational method of structure-building.This procedure has major effects about the structure of the syntactic part. Semantic and phonological interpretation needn't function upon the output phrase-structure illustration created by means of the syntactic derivation. Interpretation is extra comfortably computed derivationally, through studying the stairs of a derivation, instead of the only output constitution created via it. the result's a brand new and debatable level-free version of the syntactic element of the human language college. This topical and well timed Minimalist research will curiosity expert and theoretical linguists, syntacticians, and somebody drawn to modern methods to syntactic concept.
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Extra resources for A Derivational Approach to Syntactic Relations
We also revisit Dominance in chapter 6. 3. The definition of "term" is modified in chapter 2. 4. See chapters 3-6 on movement as "Remerge," which formally unites both Merge and Move as identical instances of pair/Concatenate. 5. Construing the very notion of X'-invisibility in a derivational manner, an interesting property emerges under the derivational approach to C-command. Note that at the point in the derivation at which Vb is merged with the specifier Da Vb is a maximal projection and hence should be "visible" and may itself enter into C-command relations (even though it could not thereafter enter into any new Ccommand relations or syntactic operations, since it is thereafter an intermediatelevel category).
B. Q: Why doesn't X C-command the first branching node dominating X, but instead only the categories dominated by the first branching node. A: X was not paired with the first branching node dominating X, by Merge or by Move. c. Q: Why is branching node relevant? A: Assuming bare phrase-structure (Chomsky 1994), no category is dominated by a nonbranching node: Free Projection (as in Chomsky (1993)) is eliminated. Structure Building (Merge and Move) consists of pairing; hence it invariably generates binary branching .
4 Given the Preference Principle, (3) is converted to the following LF representation: (4) John wondered [which x] he saw [x picture of Bill] Given the LF representation (4), in which he C-commands Bill, Condition C interprets Bill as disjoint from he, thereby predicting the interpretation of (1). Now compare (1) with (5): (5) John wondered [which picture of himself] Bill saw t In (5) himself can take either Bill or John as antecedent. Given that the interpretive version of binding theory applies solely at the LF level, the interpretation of (5) suggests that himself can be interpreted either in the departure site of the moved wh-phrase or in the landing site of the moved wh-phrase.